A duty of care for students is not the quick solution to suicide prevention

Meeting public expectations demands careful design of statutory and regulatory arrangements, not rhetorical commitment, says Emma Roberts

Published on
January 28, 2026
Last updated
January 28, 2026
Hands reach for each other in front of a depressed man, symbolising suicide prevention
Source: kieferpix/iStock

This month’s parliamentary debate on a statutory duty of care for universities did not reveal a settled view among MPs about whether it is the right mechanism to safeguard student well-being. But it did highlight a shared concern that unclear and inconsistent existing legal and regulatory frameworks are hampering harm prevention.

The debate followed earlier parliamentary consideration in 2023. That was prompted by a large public petition and led to the government’s national review of higher education student suicide deaths, published last May.

The MPs discussed student mental health, suicide prevention and the experiences of families navigating institutional processes following serious incidents. But while the term duty of care dominated, the substance of the discussion focused more on systems, processes and accountability than with tort law.

MPs highlighted cases where harm arose not from institutional indifference and the absence of well-being services but from failures in processes. Examples include errors in academic administration, uncertainty around escalation and restrictive interpretations of consent that limited information-sharing with families at points of acute risk.

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The national review findings reinforce this point, showing a duty of care alone will not solve issues that are best seen as regulatory gaps, such as incomplete incident reporting, limited family involvement, unclear ownership of action plans and weak senior oversight.

The appeal of introducing such a duty is understandable. It appears to offer a way of clarifying expectations and reducing inconsistency across institutions. And several MPs were careful to emphasise that this would not create an all-encompassing obligation for universities to act in loco parentis, which the courts have consistently resisted, or assume clinical responsibilities. Rather, it would require them to take reasonable steps where serious harm is foreseeable.

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However, concerns were also raised about unintended consequences, such as encouraging defensive practice, increasing proceduralisation and diverting attention from early intervention by relatives. Similar concerns are well documented in healthcare and policing. The minister’s response reflected this caution, emphasising that students are adults and that reforms should not undermine professional judgement or proactive support.

There is a risk of oversimplifying the law in this debate. Universities are often described as operating in the absence of any duty of care, but duties already exist under common law and statute in specific circumstances. The real concern is uncertainty about their scope and application in complex, real-world situations.

The applicability of duties is currently assessed by reference to context, foreseeability and policy considerations. Common law duties evolve flexibly through judicial discretion. A statutory duty would, instead, confer them automatically by virtue of the university’s relationship with the student. But it would not remove the need for interpretation. And what extra certainty it provided would come at the cost of rigidity, potentially limiting important room to evolve practice in a fast-changing sector.

The problem, as the Westminster Hall debate underlined, is that the complex mix of legal obligations and regulatory expectations to which universities are currently subject do not always translate into clear operational standards for safeguarding, information-sharing, escalation and transparency. Where guidance exists, its uptake and implementation vary – giving rise to the “postcode lottery” to which the Plaid Cymru MP Llinos Medi referred.

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But regulatory reform can achieve what a general duty of care cannot. That includes:

  • Clearer expectations around serious incident reporting and review, including meaningful family involvement
  • Enforceable standards and related staff training for information-sharing and consent in welfare contexts, reducing uncertainty at points of crisis
  • Stronger requirements for candour and transparency when harm occurs
  • Clearer lines of responsibility and assurance
  • Mechanisms for the central sharing of learning across the sector, including systematic oversight of prevention of future death reports, with an expectation that all universities engage with and respond to sector-wide lessons learned
  • Regulatory oversight that focuses on systems, learning and improvement, rather than post-incident fault-finding.

With this in mind, the next phase of the government’s higher education mental health implementation task force will be important, with its consideration of accountability mechanisms and the role of the regulator. Whether that route delivers meaningful change will depend on how far it moves beyond guidance towards enforceable standards.

As well as the peril of obscuring these regulatory questions, framing reform primarily through the language of duty of care also risks stretching that concept too far, encompassing the wide range of concerns we heard cited in the debate – from suicide prevention to harassment, cost-of-living pressures and campus safety. That breadth would make it harder to define what the duty would actually require.

The central question around harm prevention is this: what statutory and regulatory arrangements would be capable of delivering the consistency, candour and accountability that MPs are clearly demanding – and that students and parents are not unreasonable to expect? But answering that question invites careful design rather than legal symbolism.

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Emma Roberts is head of law at the University of Salford.

POSTSCRIPT:

• If you’re having suicidal thoughts or feel you need to talk to someone, a free helpline is available around the clock in the UK on 116123, or you can email jo@samaritans.org. In the US, the National Suicide Prevention Lifeline is 1-800-273-8255. In Australia, the crisis support service Lifeline is 13 11 14. Other international suicide helplines can be found at www.befrienders.org.

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Reader's comments (18)

This is a very helpful discussion of the issues and the compexities of the debate. Regulatory reform does seem to be the best way forward but the devil will be in the detail. I am not sure that it will be easy to arrive at any definition of what is "reasonable" and the debate is still very much at te level of generalities: unspecified systems, expectation, regulations, mechanisms etc. I also wonder how these issues are managed in the US, Australian, European systems as well? Will they apply in TNEs as well or only UK based students? We also have to remind ourselves that our largest Universities have over 50,000 students. Surely there is a good working example somewhere?
We have to remind ourselves that data indicates that 1 in 4 young people (25.8%) aged 16-24 have a common mental health condition, such as depression or anxiety, representing a significant increase over the last decade. So we have to be cogniscent of the scale of any regulatory conditions.
Within institutions we need to ensure that students are at the centre of everything that we do and make sure that all administrative procedures are devised to be student-centric rather than centralised, cost-efficient, or convenient to administer. We must make it easy to find necessary resources and support so that any student experiencing personal issues can be helped to access whatever it is that they need to cope with if not overcome those issues. As one of those people to whom students seem to turn in times of distress, I've signed up to take a class in "suicide prevention" - I'm not looking forward to it, but it will be an extra tool to empower me to "be there" for students in need. I continue to advocte for student-centric processes that maintain academic rigor but with compassion.
I do not find this to be a helpful mindset to adopt - this does not make clear the boundaries of what HE should do. Without clear boundaries, your approach appears to suggest that anything and everything goes as long as it is for the student. I reiterate my position - HE is not a substitute for CAMHs, financial advisory, social work, nor MINDs. Its sole function is education. It can signpost cases to the appropriate service providers, which I see as a reasonable duty of care in non-educational functions.
I agree and it inculcates highly unrealistic expectations in the students which, with the best will in the world, will be near impossible to fulfill and more likely to lead to confusion.
Do you have cats by any chance?
"that students are at the centre of everything that we do". That sounds like a most unattractive, and slightly creepy, prospect to me and possibly to the students as well?
What does all this actually mean for the academic member of staff? What will these regulatory reforms mean in terms of actual responsibilities? Would it just be contacting students several ties a year, enforcing regular attendance, undertaking further training?
This article appears to accept that universities already owe duties of care in certain circumstances, while arguing against the introduction of a general statutory duty. The difficulty is that the existing duties it relies on are fragmented, situational, and often clarified only through legal proceedings after harm has occurred. That is precisely why many families and MPs are questioning whether regulatory reform alone can deliver the consistency and accountability they are seeking.
1. As for all humans and corporate entities the common law imposes upon a U a duty/obligation not to cause foreseeable harm by way of actual actions. 2. The U also imposes duties/obligations upon itself IF it states it has explicit procedures for dealing with issues raised by Ss - and it incurs potential liability IF fails to apply those procedures properly AND then the S suffers as a result. 3. At the same time the Equality Act 2010 imposes duties/obligations upon the U, notably to make ‘reasonable adjustments’ to teaching/assessment so as to accommodate the identifiable needs of disabled Ss and thereby avoid disability discrimination. 4. So, the question is whether to extend via regulatory agencies such as the OfS the duties/obligations within category 2) above so as to require Us to take positive steps to anticipate/prevent certain types of potential harm to Ss - over and beyond the existing duty not act in any way that might inflict harm (as in 1) above). 5. And a further question is whether to go further than in 4) above by way of a radial new extension of tort law so as to require the U to take positive actions designed to prevent harm to the S (harm not arising from the U’s directly causing it but risks created by the Ss themselves and/or third parties). As the article notes, 5) might well be a step too far while 4) needs clear justification as well as careful implementation…
The categorisation set out is legally orthodox, but it also illustrates the gap now being debated. Categories (1)–(3) largely concern liability for harm caused by institutional action, or for failing to follow procedures the university has chosen to adopt. What MPs and families are questioning is a different space: omissions. The law may not usually require a passer-by to rescue a drowning child in a pond, but that analogy breaks down where an organisation knows of a serious and foreseeable risk, controls escalation, information-sharing or referral, and nonetheless chooses not to act. Many of the failures discussed in Parliament concern those omissions — not an obligation to prevent all harm, but whether institutions should be expected to organise their own processes so that foreseeable serious risks are identified and addressed before harm occurs.
"foreseeable serious risks are identified and addressed before harm occurs." Well in those two words "foreseeable" and "serious" one has the essence of the problem.
All this is very legalistic and all very vague. Of the cases I am aware of, existing policy and protocols in place would seem to have been sufficient, but that, for one reason or another, they were not triggered. One issue I have noticed is that unofficially some colleagues adopt a very hands on intensive student centred practice that might be considered excessive and is very hard to replicate across the institution. Some of these distressing events, for example, happen off campus out of traditional working hours when prevention of harm would be very difficult to enforce. The old adage that "hard cases make bad law" may be appropriate here. This discussion also does not take into account the enormous number of cases where harm has been prevented by existing policy and lives thus saved, which is te norm. University staff also sould be prasied for what they do already and support provided.
The issue is not that staff do not care, or that policies never work. It is that neither staff nor institutions have sufficient clarity about what is expected of them when serious risk emerges. In the absence of clarity, outcomes depend on individual judgement, informal practice, or whether a particular policy is triggered — which produces inconsistency and uncertainty for everyone involved. That is not fair on staff, students, or families. A patchwork of situational duties, guidance, and discretionary protocols may function much of the time, but it leaves too much to chance at moments of crisis. What is being asked for is clarity about responsibility, not criticism of those doing their best within an unclear system.
Yes but with so many subjective terms such as "serious risk", "what is reasonable" "moments of crisis" etc etc that clarity never seems to achieved and I doubt it will be. There will be some legalistic compliance type regulatory statement which then will have to be interpreted at local level on the ground as it were by individual universities. I suspect whatever comes of all this, if anything, it will still be left up to individual judgment and colleagues will be put on the spot. As the article quite rightly states: "it would not remove the need for interpretation. And what extra certainty it provided would come at the cost of rigidity, potentially limiting important room to evolve practice in a fast-changing sector." It might protect the University from potential legal action I guess.
I think the concept of "fitness to study" which is already embedded in our policies and practices needs to be given greater clarity and applied much more firmly in any regulatory framework of this kind.
Of course it's all very difficult, given that around 25% of the student popuation report mental health oissues at some time and some of our larger HEIs have up to 50,000 or so students. I guess you might be in a position where you have thousands of students with at least some theoretical and forseeable risk during their university career, that would need to be assessed in some manner? Universities are not a supplement or extension of the health service. They say HEIs should have "duty of care" as employers but statistics suggesting that up to 10% of annual suicides in the UK (approx. 650 and much higher) may be work-related, driven by burnout, high-stress, and job insecurity with males 45-59 being most at risk, while care workers and nurses show higher rates for women. These rates, where Duty of Care applies legally, are much higher than those among University students. If someone is made redundant the employer no longer has a Duty of Care of course.
Yes indeed and in terms of being "in loco parentis". Approximately 200 school-aged children die by suicide each year in the UK. Rates are higher in boys than girls, and suicide is the leading cause of death for young people under 35. Higher education student suicides averaged 160 per year between 2016-2023, with a 6.9 per 100,000 rate. These are awful statistics and we need to start tackling the underlying causes. The statistcs concering young males are especially harrowing. All this regulatory stuff and legalistioc discussion s all well and good and I am all for clarity, but it's constitutionalism, formulating policy and procedures won't deal with the problems, and as we are always told by the professionals all cases are individual.

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